The terrible realities of war have brought profound changes to the outlook of Ukrainians. It’s hard to see them ever changing back to a Russophile worldview.

Russia has one central war aim — to destroy Ukraine’s sovereignty and, in so doing, the very essence of national identity. Instead, it has inadvertently bolstered a sense of unity and shared heritage, fueled by the unspeakable and well-chronicled atrocities of the Russian Army.

Surveys show a consistent pattern of Ukrainians turning away from Russia and almost everything associated with it, something all the more notable in a country where many of the population spoke Russian as a mother tongue. Those numbers have fallen as Russian speakers embrace the Ukrainian language despite Vladimir Putin’s belief they would support his war of conquest.

The grief resulting from these extensive war crimes has seared itself into the collective memory, something demonstrated by a survey last year conducted by the Razumkov Center’s sociological service in cooperation with the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation.

In the minds of Ukrainians, the most memorable event of the war turned out to be the battles near Kyiv in Bucha, Irpin, Brovary, and Hostomel (36%), small towns to the northwest of Kyiv that bore the brunt of the Russian invasion in the early months of the war and that provided the earliest evidence that the invading forces were behaving with extraordinary savagery.

The occupation of the Southern cities of Kherson and Melitopol came a close second (32%) Here and elsewhere, the Russian occupation prompted street protests by pained residents, which also were remembered by many (24%) as a symbol of the country’s unbreakable spirit.

The survey offers a fascinating insight into the dual nature of a new, emergent national identity rooted in tragedy and heroism — the most-remembered events are almost equal representations of both.

Along with the gory battle for Mariupol (28%) — believed to have claimed at least 20,000 mostly civilian victims — attacks by Ukrainian forces are also recalled. The sinking of Russia’s Black Sea flagship, the cruiser Moskva was recalled by 27%, as was the valiant defense of Bakhmut (21%)Russia’s capture of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Station was mentioned by 24%.

What does this tell us?

In order to gain insight into Ukrainian identity, it is crucial to comprehend a deep national sense of resilience. This has been instrumental in Ukraine’s ability to withstand 27 months of attacks from one of the most formidable armies of the 21st century.

But even knowing this, it is extraordinary to see just how deep the Ukrainian certainty in ultimate victory. An astonishing 88% expressed confidence in this outcome in a February survey.

Additionally, despite mounting frontline challenges and upheavals, 80% of respondents described the future of Ukraine as “rather hopeful.” And while Eastern regions where the war is felt most intensely expressed greater pessimism regarding the country’s future, the difference was marginal — 76% of respondents remained hopeful.

Even deeper insights into the changes within Ukrainian identity were uncovered in another survey last year, which graphically indicates how positive perception of national self-perception has significantly progressed since 2017. Now, on a scale of 0 to 10, Ukrainians attribute the following qualities to Ukrainians: freedom-loving (8.9 points), patriotism (8.7 points), national pride (8.6 points), and independence in thoughts and views (7.4 points.) All those numbers have risen significantly in the six years between surveys.

Russia, once described as “brotherly”, is now seen in starker terms. Despite the long-standing historical, political, and cultural ties between the two countries, almost everything relating to Russian identity — including language, culture, politics, and history — is seen as hostile and triggering.

In 2017, about a quarter (27%) of respondents agreed with the statement that “Ukrainians and Russians have always been and remain fraternal peoples.” By 2023, only 4% shared this opinion. The percentage of those who believe that Ukrainians and Russians used to be fraternal peoples, but are no longer so, has not changed statistically since 2017, remaining at 48%. On the other hand, the percentage of those who believe that Ukrainians and Russians have never been fraternal people has notably increased from 16% to 43%.

This data indicates a substantial shift in the perception of the relationship between Ukrainians and Russians. Taken together, these represent a significant reevaluation of historical and cultural ties between the two nations. The impact of the war on public opinion is evident.

Such a shift in mentality is also evidenced by the decrease in the number of Ukrainians who speak Russian. As of February, only 12% of people used Russian in their everyday life, a significant drop from 40% in 2012.

Additionally, the self-assessment of cultural proximity to Russia and Belarus has decreased in all regions of the country without exception compared to 2006. Interestingly, it is also evident among those ethnic Russians who are Ukrainian citizens with the level of cultural proximity with Russians dropping from 8.6 points (on the 10-point scale) in 2006 to 5.6 in 2021 and to 3.1 in 2023 (although it remains higher than among ethnic Ukrainians at 1.3 points.)

The war has made Ukrainians see Russia as an undemocratic and hostile state. In a recent survey, only 0.4% of respondents primarily associated Russia with the concept of “democracy,” while 0.6% associated it with “freedom,” and 1% with “humanity,” “justice,” and “respect for individual rights.” Currently, Russia is predominantly linked with the concepts of “aggression” (this association increased from 66% in 2017 to 91% in 2023), “dictatorship” (an increase from 60% to 87%), and “cruelty” (from 57% to 89%.)

The Russian-led war targeted the suppression of Ukrainian identity in order to assimilate it into a subordinate role, completing the historical mission of the Russian Empire which was deemed unattainable without subsuming Ukrainian cultural heritage. This was clearly understood by ideologists of Ruscism, the dominant ideology in post-USSR Russian politics, with Dugin, its key figure, labeling Ukraine’s independence as an existential threat to Russia.

The Kremlin’s extraordinary narrowness of vision and understanding of its neighbor, allowing itself to be dominated only by self-serving ambition, has met a wall of Ukrainian resistance.

The huge losses of blood and treasure have only fueled a courageous determination to resist and pursue national independence at whatever the cost, something characteristic of both Ukrainian and Russian-speaking nationals. The world as seen by the Ukrainian people is a very different place now, and they won’t ever accept its return to the so-called Russian world.